Yet the rising costs in the education sector are simply a reflection of increased productivity in the car sector. Thus, another deep lesson of the Baumol effect is that to understand why costs in the stagnant sector are rising, we must look away from the stagnating sector and toward the progressive sector.Regular readers may recall that even though the correlation isn't perfect, I generally refer to "stagnating" sectors as non tradable, and "progressive" sectors as tradable. Tradable sectors benefit from a degree of mobility which often allows them to escape cost constraints imposed by various forms of NIMBYism and many other factors which inhibit innovation. Whereas non tradable sectors haven't been as fortunate, due in part due to the fixed nature of their connections to time and space. Thus far, it's been difficult to try radically new approaches for building components in municipal settings which have long relied on centuries old physical infrastructure. Likewise, professional services remain burdened with societal expectations regarding the inputs supposedly necessary for quality product.
Helland and Tabarrok particularly focus on services generation. Healthcare, along with professional services such as legal, accounting and other business services, " increased in price by a factor of more than three since 1950." Their findings are apt illustrations as well, how stagnant sectors reflect the aggregate wealth generating capacity of general equilibrium. By way of example, statistics for long run trends showed that
The growth rate of healthcare expenditures per capita has declined because the growth rate of GDP per capita has declined.Should we be concerned? They claim that "The Baumol effect explains a slowing rate of productivity growth and the reason the Baumol effect will decline", and continue:
The price of services relative to goods has been rising because productivity in services has increased more slowly than productivity in goods. At the same time, the services sector has been growing as a share of the economy. In 1950, for example, services accounted for approximately 60 percent of the economy, measured as a share of either GDP or employment. In 2018, services accounted for approximately 80 percent of the economy...Because society is moving more resources into lower-productivity sectors, the inevitable result is slowing net productivity growth.However, what if this is actually a positive outcome?
Even though shifting resources to services is slowing down the rate of productivity growth, the shift itself is not a bad thing. Over the past 60 years, consumers have used their higher incomes to buy relatively more services than goods. It is unfortunate that productivity is not increasing faster in services, but faster productivity growth is good only if it increases consumer satisfaction. Shifting resources to the service sector increases consumer satisfaction even if it reduces productivity growth. There is nothing wrong with a future world in which consumers spend most of their income on live musical performances.Dietrich Vollrath is another economist who isn't alarmed by these developments, and he refers to the recent slowdown in productivity as "optimal stagnation". As it turns out, he's in the process of publishing a book entitled Optimal Stagnation: Why Slower Economic Growth is a Sign of Success. Given the extent to which tradable sector activity has cut costs for centuries already, perhaps one might reasonably ask, how much do standards of living really need to improve?
Nevertheless, it doesn't hurt to question whether this is a stable reality since - unlike tradable sector markets which create something for everyone - non tradable sector options are now mostly geared for middle to higher income levels. Plus, the lack of options for those with low wages isn't just about consumption opportunities, but in particular those of personal production. Areas lacking in economic complexity, especially illustrate this reality. Not only are they hard pressed for the revenue required to build new traditional housing, but also that of traditional services generation. And since economic activity in general has assumed a lower gear, there are relatively fewer city jobs for rural residents, who in the not so distant past, tended to spend their most productive employment years in prosperous cities and regions.
Indeed, more communities in the near future might start to find themselves in similar circumstance. After all, since the Baumol effect only extends so far in a low growth economy, more citizens will need to accept lower wage employment than the revenue sources many municipalities and governments actually need, to maintain today's services and traditional infrastructure patterns.
Granted, a reduced Baumol effect might prove mostly benign. That said, many real economy adjustments are needed which have not yet even begun to take place. Of course, as Helland and Tabarrok stressed, quality product is a good thing. Who wouldn't want the luxury of experiential goods and services that are well within reach of one's income?
Even so, no one should expect an economy which remains essentially incomplete at low income levels, to be enough. In recent centuries, societies have standardized many product specifications which have improved standards of living across the board. Now it is feasible to also standardize time units, so that quality services might ultimately be generated for all income levels. It is feasible to standardize basic flexible building components, so that settings for life and work might easily be arranged and rearranged as needed. With a little luck, services professionals and municipalities won't stand in the way of the low wage millions who now need to create their own organizational patterns for services generation - not to mention entirely new industries in physical building components and infrastructure.
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